Photo - Sudan
Why does child marriage persist in parts of the world despite international efforts to end it? This is the complex question explored in a compelling new research chapter by Professor Kon K. Madut, from the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Ottawa. His work takes us deep into the social fabric of post-independence South Sudan, where child marriage is not merely a tradition — it’s a practice deeply rooted in cultural, religious, and gendered norms that shape everyday life.

In Western Bahr el Ghazal, as in many parts of South Sudan, a girl’s first menstrual cycle often signals her readiness for marriage. For many families, especially in rural and conflict-affected areas, early marriage is seen as a survival strategy — a way to ease economic pressures, maintain clan alliances, and uphold religious expectations. These practices are reinforced by decades of civil conflict, displacement, poverty, and a strikingly high illiteracy rate (over 80%).

Professor Madut’s - School of Sociological and Anthropological Studies - chapter explores how these layered realities intersect. Through a critical sociological lens, he examines how gender roles are constructed and enforced through socialization, community rituals, and spiritual beliefs — all of which contribute to the normalization of child marriage.

One of the chapter’s key insights lies in its exploration of power and authority. Decisions about a girl’s future are often made not by the girl herself, but by family elders, religious leaders, and clan heads — individuals who interpret spiritual and cultural values to determine when and whom a girl should marry. Boys are groomed to lead and provide; girls are trained to obey and nurture. The gap this creates is not just educational or economic, but deeply psychological and structural.

Even though South Sudan’s constitution sets the legal marriage age at 18, the law is rarely enforced. The lack of birth registration systems, limited institutional capacity, and the absence of women in decision-making roles only deepen the divide.

What makes Professor Madut’s work especially powerful is that it doesn’t stop at critique. His chapter also shares the voices of women and girls who are challenging the status quo — those who advocate for education, who refuse early marriage, who organize within their communities. These stories point to a quiet but growing resistance, often supported by local NGOs, schools, and international partners.

The research also highlights how global influences, shifting economies, and exposure to new ideas are slowly opening up new opportunities for South Sudanese women — particularly in urban areas where access to information, services, and advocacy networks is increasing.

Ultimately, this chapter is a call to rethink development through a gendered and culturally nuanced lens. Professor Madut reminds us that change must be rooted in local contexts: it cannot be imposed, but must be negotiated — with respect, dialogue, and deep awareness of community values.

To protect girls’ rights, we must also understand the structures that shape their lives — from religious teachings and social rituals to clan traditions and economic systems. His work lays the groundwork for more inclusive, grounded, and effective policies that engage local actors and empower girls from within.

Explore the full chapter by Professor Kon K. Madut and dive deeper into his analysis.